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Wednesday, June 8, 2011

Opposition and economy--Ikram Sehgal-Pakistan Budget 2011

Pakistans leading analyst Mr Ikram Sehgal brilliantly analyses the 2011 Budget






Ikram SehgalThursday, June 09, 2011
The writer is a defence and political analyst.

Email: isehgal@pathfinder9.com

Is there a single good reason why Pakistanis should be deprived of their legitimate right to hear (and witness) what is in store for them, financially, in the coming year? The National Assembly floor is “hallowed ground” for all those who advocate the cause of democracy. While the opposition has every right to protest within the bounds of acceptable parliamentary practice (and language), the spectacle that was witnessed this year was simply abhorrent. These proponents of democracy should know that converting the National Assembly floor into a fish market will only consign democracy down the proverbial drain.

Sadly, the PML-N has a sorry history of such ‘democratic’ conduct. The Supreme Court was attacked by supporters of the PML-N on November 27, 1998. Its “parliamentarians’’ also resorted to unbecoming conduct on June 3, 2011.

In order to run the affairs of the state, taxes have to be levied and the funds thus collected allocated for public spending. Democracy is best served with the opposition dissecting budget proposals line by line, and suggesting better alternatives.

Ravaged by the worst floods in the country’s history and the ever-expanding backlash from the “war against terrorism,” our economic miseries were further aggravated by a meteoric rise in oil prices. The vulnerability and structural weaknesses of the economy were exposed when confronted with challenges.

The floods badly damaged the core areas of the agricultural sector, which in turn disrupted activities in the manufacturing and services sectors. No surprise that we have missed all our economic targets, achieving a GDP growth rate of only 2.4 percent against the projected 4.5 percent — the lowest in the region.

Despite spending huge amounts on population control, we have the highest population growth in the region, registering only a decline of one percent over 30 years.

What the finance minister left unsaid was the required harmony with IMF diktats. The PPP’s coalition partner in the federal cabinet forced him to omit a good portion of his budget speech; the PML-Q and the MQM dare not risk public anger already aroused by the selling of their political souls for a few ineffectual federal ministries.

One cannot underestimate the enormous damage caused to the social fabric on account of our “war against terrorism”. Suffering almost US$68 billion in losses this financial year (2010-2011), Pakistan has already lost US$17.83 billion equalling this year’s tax target. The survey showing only 5.6 percent of the 54.92 million employable unemployed in 2009-10 cannot be correct in actual terms – 29.1 percent of the so-called employed are unpaid domestic helpers, more than 23 percent being women.

The long-standing demand for taxing agricultural income was agreed to by the provinces during the historic National Finance Commission (NFC) Accord brokered by then finance minister Shaukat Tarin. Not invited to the formal signing ceremony after having achieved the impossible, this was Tarin’s parting gift to the nation; he resigned soon after. Legislators being big landowners, the provinces had no intention of making good on their promise. Why pay taxes when they can easily legislate dumping the burden on the one percent or so of the population that does pay taxes. The only solution is to broaden the tax base and perfect the means of collection.

A meeting called by the finance minister only 10 days before the budget, was alas too late. Had it been held six months earlier, the provinces could have been committed to the agreed formula, considerably lessening the financial burden on the centre. That patwaris can collect such taxes is not only a farce, it is pure fantasy.

The Punjab Provincial Civil Services (PCS) Officers led by Rai Mansoor had given pragmatic suggestions to their provincial government for increasing revenue and decreasing expenditure. In return, they were jailed and suspended by the PML-N government. This is selective democracy the Sharifs’ way.

The public understandably wants to know whether the huge amount allocated for defence services is necessary and if so, is it being spent judiciously? Every penny of the taxpayers’ money must be accounted for and the mechanics of accountability must be worked out. Emotions must not get the better of reason while the constant public refrain about making the Armed Forces accountable for their expenditures should also not become an excuse for publically chastising them.

This deliberate humiliation of the men in uniform is unacceptable. While Mian Nawaz Sharif may have a genuine grouse against Musharraf, why is he taking it out on the army at large? The defence services must practice modern accounting methods. Waste is inherent in the present process. One agrees that complete revamping of the entire military financial system is required to get more bang for the buck.

The military must punish the corrupt in its midst and not cover up their crimes, for example, those who were involved in the NLC scam where an impartial enquiry found them losing billions in public money while lining their own pockets. Some defence expenditures must necessarily remain under wraps and motivated use of the media to make our defence services appear controversial must be avoided. With defence forces four to five times our size, India is not willing to resolve the Siachen problem. Indian appeasers will please note, India’s defence budget is more than our entire federal budget. Can we afford to let our guard down and besmirch the uniform?

One would rather be finance minister in Pakistan under a military government than in a democratic set-up. In an authoritarian regime the man holding the purse strings has enormous power – his military bosses are not really qualified to question him, financial spreadsheets being beyond their capacity. By weaving statistics at will, any good accountant, let alone economist, can keep them spellbound.

The present PPP government is hardly to blame for the economic sins of the Musharraf regime. Successfully practicing his own particular brand of “feel good” economics to make his boss Musharraf popular, Shaukat Aziz failed to invest in the power sector (and socio-economic infrastructure). The downside of his consumer-oriented policy finally caught up with the country with a vengeance. In the democratic dispensation, unless the finance minister concedes to their many demands for favours, hell hath no fury like a jilted parliamentarian.

Why in the world Dr Abdul Hafeez Shaikh, an extremely honest and competent technocrat, would want to be the country’s finance minister now, at the worst of times, is beyond me. One of Musharraf’s major mistakes was not making either him or Shaukat Tarin finance minister. Shaukat Aziz, master of public relations, would have made a very good foreign minister; he could charm a snake out of its skin.

Knowing full well that he would be pummeled by friend and foe alike, Hafeez Shaikh has courageously chosen to accept the poisoned chalice, in the greater national interest. Incidentally, did he pay the PML-N to throw a political tantrum to spare him political blushes on his debut?

In the circumstances, kudos to Hafeez Shaikh. He didn’t do too bad a job.



In 1971, Ikram Sehgal was taken prisoner of war in East Pakistan and successfully escaped from Indian Authorities. Joined 44 Punjab, he was given a battlefield promotion to Major, left the Army in 1974. He worked as a commercial pilot before starting his own business in 1977. A regular columnist in the print media since 1987, he graduated to his own TV Talk Show. He is a member of World Economic Forum (WEF), International Organization for Migration (IOM) & the Chairman of Pathfinder G4S Pakistan. Educated at Lawrence College, Murari Chand College, Notre Dame College & the Pakistan Military Academy. Commissioned in 1965.


55 PMA LONG COURSE IS THE BEST

55 PMA LONG COURSE IS THE FINEST.






Seated: Captain Khubaib-G3, Major Shahid (PTSO), Major Mazhar (Platoon Commander), BSUO Khawar (1st Pakistan Battalion), Lieutenant Colonel G M Malik (Battalion Commander 1st Pakistan Battalion), BSUO Tariq Khan (2nd Pakistan Battalion),  Major Khalid Masood (Term Commander), Major Talat Omar, SJ (Platoon Commander), Major Zahid Omar (Adjutant)
Standing(first row): CJUO solehria, CSUO Sahu, CJUO Khalid, CJUO Ahsan,  BQMS Saleem ,  CSUO Javaid , CJUO Ateeq, BQMS Rasheed, BJUO Jamal, CJUO Fazal, CJUO Javiad
Standing (second row): CSUO Azhar, CSUO Agha, CSUO Zaheer, CSUO Najeeb, CJUO Tahir, BSM Farooq, CJUO Farooq, BJUO Shahid, CSUO Baqar, CSUO Tahir


Old memories were revived when we met at a get together

Lieutenant General Waheed Arshad

Lieutenant General Waheed Arshad was commissioned in 38 Cavalry Regiment.


He is from 52 PMA Long Course.


Lieutenant General Waheed Arshad, HI(M), TBt, afwc, fsc(t), psc, is a three-star general in the Pakistan Army who is currently serving as the Chief of General Staff (CGS) at the General Headquarters.


His previous appointments at the GHQ include; IG Training and Evaluation (IGT&E), Vice Chief of General Staff (VCGS) and DG Planning at COAS Secretariat.


Arshad also served as the chief Army spokesman heading the Inter Services Public Relations from 2007 to 2008.








Waheed Arshad was commissioned in the Armoured Corps of Pakistan Army in October 1975 in the 52nd PMA Long Course. He is a graduate of Command and Staff College Quetta; Turkish War College, Istanbul, Turkey; and National Defence College, Islamabad. 

He holds masters degrees in War and Strategic Studies from Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad and diploma in Turkish Language from National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad.


During his career, he served as Brigade Major of an Independent Armored Brigade Group and remained on the faculty of Pakistan Military Academy Kakul, School of Infantry and Tactics, Quetta and National Defence College, Islamabad.

He commanded an Armored Regiment and both an Armored and Infantry Brigades. He has also served as General Staff Officer Grade-1 and Director Military Operations at Military Operations Directorate.




Waheed Arshad was promoted as Major-General on 7 January 2005.


 He was then sent as GOC 26th Mechanized Division in Bahawalpur where he served till April 2007. He then proceeded to relieve Maj-Gen Shaukat Sultan as DG Inter Services Public Relations.


In January 2008, Arshad was appointed as the DG Planning at COAS Secretariat, heading the army's think-tank. 


This post was established by the former Army Chief General Jehangir Karamat. 


Maj-Gen Khalid Kidwai (who retired as Lt-Gen and chief of Strategic Planning Division) and Maj-Gen Ahsan Saleem Hyat (who retired as General in the capacity of VCOAS) held the appointments of DG Planning in the past.


 In October 2008, Waheed Arshad was appointed as the Vice Chief of General Staff (VCGS) of the Army replacing Lt Gen Muhammad Yousaf who took over the XXXI Corps at Bahawalpur.


Arshad was promoted as Lieutenant-General in April 2010 and took over as IG Training and Evaluation (IGT&E).


 Barely six months later in October 2010 he took over as Chief of General Staff (CGS), the most coveted posting in Pakistan Army. 


He replaced the recently-promoted General Khalid Shameem Wynne who was appointed as Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee.


Personal life


Waheed Arshad is married and has three children.He is married to daughter of Major General Sattar Chaudhry from corps of signals , who is a tough person .

How Active Is Blackwater in Pakistan

Shahid R Siddiqi is an outstanding PAF officer.


Shahid R. Siddiqi has been a broadcaster with the Radio Pakistan and the Islamabad bureau chief of the “Pakistan and Gulf Economist”. His articles and political commentaries appear in the Pakistani newspapers such as Dawan, The Nation and Pakistan Herald. He is also the founder of Asian American Republican Club. Siddiqi is a frequent contributor to Foreign Policy Journal, Middle East Times and Axis of Logic.







Shahid R. Siddiqi began his career in the Pakistan Air Force. He later joined the corporate sector with which he remained associated until recently in a senior management position. Alongside, he worked as a broadcaster with Radio Pakistan and remained the Islamabad bureau chief of an English weekly magazine ‘Pakistan & Gulf Economist’. In the U.S. he co-founded the Asian American Republican Club in Maryland in 1994 to encourage the participation of Asian Americans in the mainstream political process.


[ Note: Sadly, Shahid passed away on February 23, 2011. I wish to extend my condolences to his family.]







How Active Is Blackwater in Pakistan?

This notorious private contractor is spreading its tentacles in Pakistan for undercover activities on behalf of the US agencies

by Shahid R. Siddiqi

August 30, 2010

[Editor's Note: As noted below, Blackwater changed its name to Xe Services last year, but is commonly still referred to by its former name.]
Not too long ago, a wave of concern had swept through Pakistan when the local media began screaming about Blackwater’s growing infiltration in the country and its dubious activities. The mounting pressure to expel this infamous US defense contractor put the Zardari government in a corner. It could neither ignore public pressure nor displease its benefactors in Washington. In the end, it chose to vehemently deny these stories. Pakistan’s interior minister, Rehman Malik, said publicly he would resign if Blackwater is found operating anywhere in Pakistan, as if his resignation would be a great loss for the people.
Blackwater founder Eric Prince giving testimony during a House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing in October 2007.
Blackwater founder Eric Prince giving testimony during a House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing in October 2007.
These stories were also denounced as false propaganda by US officials. Responding to accusations that the US Embassy was sponsoring Blackwater, the US Ambassador, Anne Patterson, insisted that “Blackwater is not operating in Pakistan.” She claimed that Pakistani journalists were “wildly incorrect,” and blamed them for compromising the security of US personnel in Pakistan. Secretary Clinton, during her visit shortly thereafter, also dodged questions on the subject.
The information that has now emerged proves the fear of the Pakistanis to be correct. Not only has Blackwater been working in Pakistan, but it grows stronger by the day.
Who would know about Blackwater’s presence or absence in Pakistan better than the owner of Blackwater himself? The reclusive owner of the infamous Blackwater empire, Eric Prince, was caught on audio tape by The Nation, a New York based magazine, acknowledging that his organization does work in Pakistan. He said this in a speech earlier this year at the University of Michigan.
In response to the debate on whether armed individuals working for Blackwater could be classified as ‘unlawful combatants’ being ineligible for protection under the Geneva Conventions, Prince scornfully said, “You know, people ask me that all the time, ‘Aren’t you concerned that you folks aren’t covered under the Geneva Convention in [operating] in the likes of Iraq or Afghanistan or Pakistan? And I say, ‘Absolutely not,’ because these people don’t know where Geneva is, let alone that there was a convention there.”
Could Prince have been clearer on this issue? One wonders how Pakistan’s interior minister or Ambassador Patterson could prove him wrong. One wonders also if it is time for the interior minister to abide by his promise to resign and Ambassador Anne Patterson to apologize to the people of Pakistan for making false statements.
The reality is that the stories were true and hence have refused to go away. The people of Pakistan neither took the US Ambassador seriously, given their distrust for the US and its self-serving policies, nor gave any credence to denials of their own government, knowing full well where these came from. They are convinced that this notorious private contractor is spreading its tentacles in Pakistan for undercover operations on behalf of the US agencies. There is a growing fear that Pakistan could soon witness Iraq and Afghanistan-like situations at the hands of Blackwater agents.
Blackwater, described as the most notorious mercenary army, which recently underwent rebranding as ‘Xe Services LLC’ in response to legal complications owing to its unlawful activities, has played a crucial role in the American wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and now Pakistan. From the beginning of Bush’s ‘war on terror’ it has undertaken secret and illegal operations that CIA, Pentagon or State Department could not themselves undertake due to Congressional restrictions.
Blackwater earns multimillion revolving contracts because it enables the U.S. to circumvent Congressional restrictions and achieve their goals without deploying uniformed soldiers in these countries due to political sensitivities. As Eric Prince put it: “…the private sector can operate there with a very, very small, very light footprint”. And on top of it, there was no fear of accountability. Blackwater operatives are usually deployed under cover, for instance as aid workers.
In Pakistan, as in other countries, Blackwater is honeycombed with CIA, US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), Pentagon and State Department in conducting a variety of operations. Additionally, it is also perceived by the people and the media to be involved in supporting the agenda of destroying the fabric of Pakistan’s nationhood through suicide bombings, fanning religious extremism and supporting nationalist and separatist movements, using Pakistanis whose loyalties are up for sale.
In Pakistan, Blackwater operatives are reportedly positioned in key locations for spying and watching US interests. Jeremy Scahill, author of the New York Times Best Seller Blackwater, in his article “The Secret US War in Pakistan” states: “At a covert forward operating base run by the US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) in the Pakistani port city of Karachi, members of an elite division of Blackwater are at the center of a secret program in which they plan targeted assassinations of suspected Taliban and Al Qaeda operatives, ‘snatch and grabs’ of high-value targets and other sensitive action inside and outside Pakistan.”
He goes on to say: “the Blackwater operatives also assist in gathering intelligence and help direct a secret US military drone bombing campaign that runs parallel to the well-documented CIA predator strikes, according to a well-placed source within the US military intelligence apparatus”. Quoting a military intelligence source, he says: “the Blackwater team in Karachi also helps plan missions for JSOC inside Uzbekistan against the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan”.
Jeremy Scahill also reports on the Pentagon having contracted a Pakistani company owned by influential Pakistanis with close links to Eric Prince, forground transportation of large Afghanistan-bound arms shipments from Port Qasim in Karachi. Interestingly, security of the consignments has been entrusted to Blackwater operatives working under disguise.
With the Zardari government cornered in the wake of the Blackwater scandal last year, the Americans found to their dislike the Pakistan foreign office dragging its feet over issuance of unlimited number of visas, unlike their past practice. This time the foreign office refused issuance of visas to an unusually large batch of 300 non-diplomatic staff listed as ‘defense officials’ without first examining their purpose of entry and antecedents. The foreign office was also reluctant to meet US demand of granting diplomatic visas to them and allowing privileges like exemption of baggage from customs inspections. Not only was this against the rules but raised suspicions about nature of the cargo these personnel intended bringing into Pakistan.
Washington justified these unusually large numbers saying these personnel were being assigned to process the aid that was being given to Pakistan. “….We just need more visas to put the people in place to help work with Pakistan and to make progress on economic issues, security issues, and agricultural issues,” said State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley. Then to prove its point, it held up disbursement of the promised economic assistance. It went further and also held up routine visas for Pakistani diplomats on transfer to Washington.
Pakistan’s foreign office eventually capitulated to Washington’s demands, the crunch apparently coming after the visit of Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Holbrooke to Islamabad, who promised to ‘clear ways for assistance projects’ in exchange for the visas.
The insistence by the US State Department for visas for personnel who did not initially qualify in the judgment of Pakistan’s foreign office makes these personnel appear dubious. They appear even more dubious because reportedly the information given on their visa applications was found incomplete and evasive. This underscored the perception that under the cover of diplomatic visas, more employees of American ‘private contractors’ were being smuggled into Pakistan.
Reportedly, about 180 US Cobra operatives, including Xe personnel, have recently been secretly positioned in Islamabad, Lahore, Karachi, and Quetta, and more are expected to join them. The US intelligence agencies think that a number of Al-Qaeda and Taliban leaders are hiding in Karachi, Quetta and Peshawar. There are also reports that about 650 US nationals, including 200 US Marines, are either on their way or have arrived already on multiple entry visas granted by the Pakistan Embassy in Washington under special authority given to Pakistan’s Ambassador Haqqani by President Zardari. There was no need for any special authority if the US visa requests qualified under the existing rules. Clearly, the rules had to be bent.
Amid fears that the CIA, JSOC, Pentagon and the State Department would not hesitate to pass off their private contractors’ operatives as ‘defense officials’, the bending of visa rules and giving a carte blanche to the US Embassy is a grave folly. If anything, this is an indicator of how far the sovereignty and the security of the state are being compromised by the Zardari government for the sake of economic assistance that the Americans cannot really stop indefinitely. Why does President Zardari forget that the Americans need Pakistan badly and giving economic assistance to Pakistan is in America’s own interest, as much as taking it is in the interest of Pakistan?


Shahid R. Siddiqi began his career in the Pakistan Air Force. He later joined the corporate sector with which he remained associated until recently in a senior management position. Alongside, he worked as a broadcaster with Radio Pakistan and remained the Islamabad bureau chief of an English weekly magazine ‘Pakistan & Gulf Economist’. In the U.S. he co-founded the Asian American Republican Club in Maryland in 1994 to encourage the participation of Asian Americans in the mainstream political process. He now writes columns and can be reached at shahidrsiddiqi@gmail.com. Read more articles by Shahid R. Siddiqi.

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

General Kiani with British Army Chief


His Finest Hour-Ikram Sehgal


Major Ikram Sehgal with Major General Fahim Akhtar an outstanding officer of Sindh Regiment and also colonel in chief of Sindh Regiment at his wartime unit 44 Punjab now known as 4 Sindh.The company which Major Sehgal commanded in the 1971 India Pakistan War has been named as Sehgal Company to honour Major Sehgals war time role.
Ikram SehgalThursday, June 02, 2011
The Pokhran nuclear explosions by India on May 11 and 13, 1998, plunged Pakistan into a “damned if you do, damned if you don’t” crisis. The gloating rhetoric and venom flowing out of the BJP leadership then governing India was startling, if not altogether shocking. Clearly intent on rubbing our noses in the dirt, their rhetoric pushed us into a corner. As a knee-jerk reaction an immediate tit-for-tat nuclear blast was a non-starter. However, the morale of both the military and civilians across the board nosedived within days to an all-time low. It was a Hobson’s choice: unless we reacted, we would not have any credible deterrent; if we did, international condemnation (and sanctions) would swiftly follow.

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s single-minded obsession was to get a nuclear deterrent to equal India’s bomb even if we “had to eat grass.” To Nawaz Sharif’s credit, he took the brave decision to carry out the nuclear blast in the face of international pressure. In a perverse way, one must be thankful to the Indians: the Pokhran blasts forced us come out of the nuclear closet, without that cast-iron “casus belli,” we would have had to face the full weight of international retribution. We soon messed up our nuclear “coming out” party. The freezing of all foreign currency accounts within hours of the Chagai blast destroyed our credibility as a financial safe haven, probably for good.

Nawaz Sharif’s economic-oriented vision envisaging rapid development of the socio-economic infrastructure was symbolised by the Islamabad-Lahore Motorway. However, he could not quite reconcile to his businessmen colleagues (and himself) paying the taxes that make up the revenues for running any country. At his urging, Moinuddin Khan had abandoned a seven-figure salary with Standard Chartered Bank in Hong Kong to become chairman of the CBR (now FBR). He died of a broken heart at this rank duplicity. Sharif talked the good talk about the economic reforms crafted by Sartaj Aziz but failed to implement them because of political and personal compulsions. Musharraf’s economic golden years of the early 2000s was possible only because of (1) Nawaz Sharif’s policies being implemented, and (2) hard cash in US military aid to Pakistan after the 9/11 attacks being diverted to budgetary support. The ultimate tragedy is the perception of our armed forces gobbling up the more than $10 billon received from the US for military hardware. Actual figures show they got less than 15 percent, 85 percent went to support the consumer-friendly budget sustaining the “feel good” economic environment prevalent. Musharraf allowed the master of PR, Finance Minister Shaukat Aziz, to short-change the defence services so that he could look good as the leader of an upwardly mobile “economically prosperous” country.

Both Mian Nawaz Sharif and Musharraf have a lot in common. Counting on the notoriously short memories of the Pakistani public, they conveniently gloss over their repeated faux pas. In Sharif’s case the infamous “yellow cabs” scheme, in Musharraf’s case, Kargil. Neither Sharif nor Musharraf belonged to the landed gentry or had any background of politics, and both are products of the army. While berating the military, Mian Sahib conveniently forgets he came into politics because of the direct patronage of Zia’s martial law.

It is not unusual in South Asia for individuals to turn upon their benefactors and biting the hand that fed you. As prime minister, Sharif fell out with five successive army chiefs, Gen Mirza Aslam Beg, Gen Asif Nawaz (died in office) and Gen Waheed Kakar in his first tenure. During his second stint as prime minister, Gen Karamat was retired early for advocating the National Security Council. Sharif interpreted this as a conspiracy by the military for a more active role in Pakistani politics. Superseding the far more deserving (and nominally senior) Lt Gen Ali Kuli Khan, he appointed Musharraf as COAS. When he attempted to remove Musharraf on Oct 12, 1999, Sharif’s action backfired. While he does have a genuine grouse against Musharraf for the counter-coup that ousted him as prime minister, why is he persisting in attacking the whole army? Given deep pockets to sustain a battery of lawyers, why doesn’t he go legally after Musharraf? The rest of the generals had no idea about Musharraf’s ambitions. They just did not take kindly to Sharif throwing out one army chief after another.

The Sharifs are blatantly hypocritical about their holier-than-thou stance about the rule of law. In November 1997, PML-N rank and file, bussed in by Shahbaz Sharif from Lahore, physically attacked the Supreme Court, even entering the courtrooms and performing “Bhangra” live on CCTV. “Wikileaks” has revealed that, during Pakistan latest judicial crisis Shahbaz Sharif told US consul general Bryan Hunt in confidence that “even if he was restored, Iftikhar Chaudhry would soon be replaced.”

Abbottabad embarrassed and humiliated Pakistan. Voices were raised across the world for Pakistan to be “punished” for “harbouring” Osama bin Laden for a decade. How come no one raises questions about how Serb general Ratko Mladic, responsible for the genocide of over 8,000 Muslim men and boys at Srebrenica, evaded the dragnet of all Western governments and their intelligence agencies for over 15 years in his cousin’s house in a village in Serbia? And what about his boss Karadzic doing the same for 12 years, even running a medical clinic in the centre of Belgrade? The US should reveal the contents of the computer discs and hard discs the Seals unit removed from the Bin Laden compound that clearly is the “smoking gun” about the purported “official” or “unofficial” support for Bin Laden in Pakistan. Accessories to the murder of over 40,000 Pakistanis, we need the names of these despicable characters.

With Imran Khan’s appeal spreading far and wide, particularly among newly registered young voters, Mian Nawaz Sharif’s latest political forays represent a rather belated change of heart (nothing to do with the recent heart procedure he had in London). By clambering onto the bandwagon of the causes Imran Khan has been espousing, Mian Sahib is vainly attempting to steal Imran Khan’s thunder.

The Indian deployment on our eastern borders constitutes more than four times our total strength, further depleted by the moving of some of our operational reserves to fight counterinsurgency operations. Does Nawaz Sharif understand the dangerous implications of India operationalising its Cold Start doctrine? The same man who stood tall on May 28, 1998, now says that India “is not our enemy.” There is a limit to appeasement. Mian Sahib needs to read up about Munich.

Pakistan should be thankful for the deterrent value of the nuclear bomb. While May 28, 1998, was certainly his finest hour, his reputation has gone downhill since (not counting the “breakout” from Raiwind on March 16, 2009, that led to the restoration of the chief justice). Will the real Mian Nawaz Sharif please stand up and be counted for what he really stands for?



The writer is a defence and political analyst. Email: isehgal@pathfinder9.com